Computer in Life Essay Example for Free

Computer in Life Essay What do you think of when you hear the word ‘computer’? Do you think of technology? Or maybe one of the ways to get on Facebook which I am sure many of you are thinking right now or you might even imagine a boring office full of screens and keys with people typing frantically in front of. All of those visions are correct, but first let’s take a look at the history of several inventions that led the creation of computers which has dramatically changed the world of technology. The first machine that was invented, which worked like a computer, was a gear-powered German device dubbed the Calculating Clock created by Wilhelm Schickard in 1623. It operated by pulling or pushing rods set inside a glass case. 20 years later, in 1640s, a similar device known as a Pascaline was invented and became famous dramatically.. In 1944, the Harvard Mark-1 computer was completed. That computer was approximately similar to a modern computer, but it was a large calculator driven by a camshaft with no stored programs. This massive computer filled a large room and was a joint effort between Harvard University and IBM. Personally, I believe that one of the most important inventions in my life has always been a computer. I was raised in this technological world where computers are a necessity. Computers dramatically transform my life in terms of education. They acknowledge me with the events that happen around the world, which I think are extremely important to learn. They give me an efficient, convenient and cozy way of work and study. Computers do not just provide me with education or learning experiences, but they are also one of the means of entertainment and globalization. They provide me with leisure time watching movies online or listening to music. According to me, it is one of the most relaxing ways to release the stress from studying and working day and night. Also in terms of globalization, with the aid of computers, I can visualize and make conversations with my long distance family and friends. They assist me in keeping relations with my family and friends, even though I am extremely far from them. I, as a student, strongly believe that computers are extremely important in terms of education as I mentioned before. Before computers were invented, I (you were born after computers were invented) as well as everyone else relied on books to provide them with educational knowledge. Now that computers are available, I never search through hundreds of pages of books. I can just surf the Internet in the blink of an eye to research for learning information. If I need to type anything or write an essay, I have easy access to my Microsoft word or Notepad in which I can also save the information and open it whenever I desire to and if I make any errors typing, it provides me with the correct word or information. Isn’t that amazing? It’s like a human sitting in the back of the computer screen reading my essay and correcting it of any mistakes I may make. Furthermore, the computers also assist me when it comes to math, such as math problems like logarithms, sine, cosine, and tangent can be awfully difficult to calculate and may take students a long time to do so manually. Luckily, with the help of computers, students may turn a five-minute problem into a one-minute problem. Computers have also made a major impact in the business field. They have gained importance as they have increased the productivity and efficiency of workload. Large amounts of data in the personal lives as well as in business and industrial sectors are stored on computers. Overall, as I provided you with all the benefits of computers, according to me, computers are one of the necessities in today’s technological world. In today’s world, it is almost impossible to think that one can survive without computers. They have become a gadget of almost daily use for people of every age. With the computer industry growing rapidly, the computer technology has also brought about a revolution of laptops and palmtops replacing the desktop, which are still popular in many of the industries. With the reduction in size, it has become quite easy to carry the computers and use them to the fullest. Computers are extremely helpful in terms of education, entertainment, globalization, etc. People might think that there might be negative aspects to the inventions of computers, but as far as I am concerned, I do not believe that the statement is true. The computers have had numerous positive effects and they will continue to do so in the future as well.

The Roles Of Women In Terrorism

The Roles Of Women In Terrorism The involvement of women in terrorist organisations is by no means new, but their role therein has changed markedly over recent years. Up until the late twentieth century, women in terrorist organisations were largely assigned tasks removed from the front lines of political violence they existed only to support their male counterparts, through gathering intelligence, providing healthcare, and even maintaining safe houses for more-active terrorists. Since then, and though women continue to perform those functions, the role of female terrorists has evolved into something more active, perhaps tougher, more fanatical, more loyal, than previously seen.  [1]  Indeed, while formerly confined to more auxiliary roles, female members of violent extremist groups now engage directly in attacks, including suicide bombings, attracting widespread disbelief and heightened media interest. After looking at terrorisms definitional problems, this paper will examine three different categories of involvement by women in terrorism: women as terrorists actually joining extremist organisations and carrying out attacks; women as enablers their role in motivating, inspiring, or encouraging potential terrorists; and women as preventers analysis of their involvement in counterterrorism. In so doing, it will focus on women and terrorism, as opposed to the overlapping concept of women and war. Both concepts of women engaging in terrorism and of womens roles in wars are broad and nuanced, and a single paper cannot do both justice. For this reason, the former alone will be examined here. Both terrorism and gender in conflict have been studied and written about extensively. The recognition of rape as a weapon of war has led to a timely re-evaluation of gender in warfare,  [2]  and much has been written on the subject of terrorism, particularly since September 2001, when terrorism entered into mainstream media and non-academic literature, even in those countries not directly affected by it. Yet, terrorism through the prism of gender has only recently gained ground in academic and media discourse, partly due to the rise of the female suicide bomber.  [3]  This study will consult literature mainly on political violence, but also on the role of women in society, drawing out observations on the impact of women on terrorism, as well as on how womens unique position in society can be harnessed for counterterrorism purposes. In addition, the paper will briefly comment on what the implications are for gender equality. Indeed, does the advent of female terrorists mirror the advance of women in society? This paper will provide a broad overview of the womens roles in terrorism, with more-detailed comments on their potential for de-radicalising active and potential terrorists. Women as Participants in Terrorism Although terrorism is one of the most widely used words in both international relations and the news media, the word lacks a clear, universal definition. Those who try to characterise it often harbour underlying biases (rendering their definitions questionable), or, in the case of some governments and the media, they may seek to label as many events as possible with a provocative term to demonise a particular group or to create headlines. Terrorism has a pejorative implication and those associated with it are therefore degraded politically and socially.  [4]  Most would agree, however, that fear is intrinsic to any successful terrorism. As political scientist Martha Crenshaw explains, [t]errorism is a method by which an agent tends to produce terror in order to impose his[/her] domination.  [5]  Many other definitions of terrorism exist, including Walter Laqueurs assertion that the meaning of terrorism has been changing throughout history,  [6]  and Brian Michael Jenkins description of the phenomenon as the use or threatened use of force to bring about political change.  [7]  For the purposes of this work, Jenkins definition shall suffice, but with the qualifier that, in the case of millennialist or some fundamentalist groups, political change need not be the final end.  [8]   Examples of women committing terrorist acts abound. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have been cited as amongst the first terrorist groups to employ women as attackers, with over one-third of their membership composed of females, who, in addition to suicide bomb missions, have duties on the battlefield, in the kitchen, and in medical camps.  [9]  LTTEs Black Tigresses, are not alone. The Chechen Black Widows, a brigade of female suicide bombers, carried out a dozen suicide bombings over two years, murdering 330 people.  [10]  Similarly, Wafa Idris, the first female suicide bomber, was a twenty-eight-year-old working for the Palestinian Red Crescent when she was deployed on a suicide mission to Jerusalem in 2002. Her bomb killed one person (in addition to herself), and injured 114.  [11]  While the death toll was low, Idris bombing, carried out for the al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade, served as an excellent recruitment tool, particularly among women. Indeed, the group s ubsequently established squads of willing female suicide bombers squads actually named for Idris.  [12]  Similarly, during the intifadas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad and Hamas both witnessed a surge in female bombers Syrian nationalists and Kurdish separatists operate in this way, and women in Uzbekistan, Turkey, Lebanon, and Egypt have also joined the terror ranks.  [13]   Woman: the perfect terrorist? Women make excellent terrorists. Traditionally societys inherently nurturing and non-violent caregivers, females tend to attract less attention from security services and are less prone to be searched, questioned, and interrogated in the way that males are particularly in Muslim societies, which carry particular cultural sensitivities regarding the role of women.  [14]  Testament to this, earlier this month a suicide bomber in Somalia disguised himself as a woman, complete with a veil and a females shoes, before detonating explosives in a crowded Mogadishu hotel.  [15]  And even when women are under suspicion, the capacity may not exist to interrogate them: after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, airport security services struggled to recruit enough female staff to carry out searches of women. One of the overriding attractions of using females for violent ends is, therefore, the slim chance of their attracting suspicion; additionally, even if that suspicion is ther e, the capacity may not exist to stop them. In part because violence against women (and children) is deemed by society to be more abhorrent (due to their supposed greater vulnerability), terrorism carried out by women is also more shocking, as will be discussed later in the paper. Ironically, it is the very weakness that makes women the most appealing/effective victims (in that they elicit wider coverage for the group behind the attack) that appears to make women terrorisms best instigators. Following the 2002 Moscow theatre hostage crisis, which involved female as well as male hostage-takers, one commentator posited that, for a woman to commit terrorism, she must be more fanatical than a male terrorist, and is therefore more terrifying than her male colleagues: For feminine engagement in activities that are so classically male bespeaks a far greater zeal. This is hard to verify, but that his analysis of women and terrorism goes on to note that female Islamists must be especially zealous, given that the reward of virgins awaiting the suicide bomber in heaven holds no appeal for them certainly seems plausible.  [16]  It could then be said that the greater fear elicited by the female extremist adds to her effectiveness as a terrorist. Terrorist groups manipulate and capitalise on the stereotypes of women to suit their violent goals. Suicide bombings in themselves, while still abhorrent, are increasingly commonplace almost weekly, news consumers see coverage of bombings in graphic detail. Terrorists have thus sought out ways to renew the impact of their violence (to which many, particularly in areas not directly impacted by attacks, have become partially desensitised), and the use of women as bombers is symptomatic of this. With most terrorism hinging on the publicity it attracts, groups play into the shock value of using women as human bombs; this elicits the double-shock of both the brutality of the act itself and the notion of someones daughter/mother/sister/wife as the instigator. Summing up the importance of the oxygen publicity affords terrorist organisations,  [17]  Front de Libà ©ration Nationale (FLN) leader Ramdane Abane asks rhetorically, Is it preferable for our cause to kill ten enemies in an oue d [dry riverbed] of Telergma when no one will talk of it, or a single man in Algiers which will be noted the next day by the American press?  [18]   Not only do female terrorists elicit more coverage, boosting both the fear a given attack elicits and the number of potential recruits reached, the type of coverage received is also different from that given to their male colleagues. Coverage of acts committed by women provide[s] more detail about possible motivations of the individual, while actions committed by men [are] explained more often in terms of the groups motivation.  [19]  (My emphasis.) Indeed, female terrorists also increase the likelihood that the social conditions, discrimination, and hardships experienced by a given group will be featured in the news media,  [20]  representing a significant incentive for particular organisations to use women over men. While suicide terrorism exemplifies vividly the impact female terrorists can have, other roles for women in political violence should not be overlooked. In terms of their roles away from the front lines of terrorism, women in extremist organisations were in the past often confined to less-active duties, such as healthcare provision, intelligence gathering, and even maintenance of safe houses for more-active terrorists. Some still do play these roles, and recent studies of terrorism and the internet have unearthed evidence of women now also playing the role of scholar, translating for their male counterparts and interpreting religious texts. In addition, females can boost depleted numbers of combatants, be it by joining the ranks themselves or by providing jihad wombs.  [21]  They also contribute by using their maiden names to open bank accounts (to avoid attracting the attention of antiterrorism agencies), and even raising money for terror groups through charity functions.  [22 ]   Does all this make a woman the perfect terrorist? While women hold many comparative advantages over men eliciting less suspicion, holding greater shock value, and even remaining engaged in terrorism longer than do men on average  [23]   some factors make women less attractive. In the face of stereotypes of women as non-violent wives, sisters, mothers, and daughters, it surprises many to learn that female terrorists are viewed by some as more deadly, in that some security forces deem them less likely to hesitate when carrying out a violent mission. One scholar further posits that women terrorists are possessors of a greater capacity for suffering.  [24]  Reasons for this resoluteness can only be speculated about, but the small variations between genders in why individuals engage in terrorism could be relevant: as will be discussed, vengeance is a particularly strong motivator among female extremists and may serve also to sustain a womans interest, and involvement, in a given cause. Counterterrorism recruits in INTERPOL accordingly even follow a shoot-the-women-first policy.  [25]   Other factors can discourage the use of women by terrorists groups: some members may view women as a threat to group cohesion (many groups lean heavily on male bonding to sustain the dynamic needed to commit violence for a given cause), and certain societies frown upon the use of women in combat roles. However, the overwhelming importance of publicity to terrorism seems to outweigh such concerns regarding female terrorists: women extremists occupy more column inches than do their male counterparts. And, with all terrorism, coverage confers the impression of power something all terrorist groups seek to wield. What motivates women terrorists A recent study of what motivates suicide terrorists found that there was little variation between genders in this regard both men and women tend to engage in terrorism for similar reasons. However, a few important differences in motivation were noted, including, among women, vengeance. Having lost a loved one at the hands of a particular groups perceived enemy, a mother, wife, or sister may be more inclined to join that group, and actively engage in terrorism.  [26]  Wafa Idris felt personally aggrieved by the horrors she witnessed at the Palestinian Red Crescent, by her brothers imprisonment, and at being displaced from Ramallah by Israel. But analysts also cite personal sadnesses she endured, unrelated to her cause, as motivation for her actions: After marriage, Idris had a late miscarriage. The doctors said she could have no more children. Her husbands response was to divorce her and marry again.  [27]  Seldom does one see this type of analysis where male bombers are conc erned; that attacks instigated by females are analysed in greater depth, speaks to the fascination they seem to hold over the media and potential extremists alike. Terrorist recruiters targeting women play into their need to feel involved, which is similar to male-terrorist recruitment, but the reasons for that lack of involvement in society differ. For example, in Central Asia, the Kyrgyz, largely non-violent, terrorist group Hizb-ut-Tabhir (HT), is pursuing the restoration of an Islamic caliphate in the region through allegedly peaceful political means. A recent International Crisis Group report on HT examines why, in a country where women enjoy a secular society and relative equality, they are moved to support HT a movement which appears to marginalise them. The report finds that since Kyrgyzstan, post-independence, lacks a coherent national identity, an Islamic one fills that void. Islams traditional representatives often do not make any appeal to women, whereas HT does, offering both social services and religious education to women. The HT brand of Islam emphasises Islamic sisterhood, and, in conservative areas, where women and girls have few social outlets, gender-segregated HT meetings allow women to mix with other women and reap the benefits of such interactions.  [28]   The type of marginalisation that, in various Western societies, fuelled womens liberation movements, is replaced in other, less-free societies (where rights are fiercely withheld), by the appeal of extremism. Rather than agitation for gender equality, which is notoriously elusive in some societies, a minority of women turn to other causes, which give them a sense of belonging and the opportunity to be involved in the types of groups previously unavailable to them. From these examples particularly that of HT in Kyrgyzstan it is clear that marginalisation by society at large makes individuals more vulnerable to the appeal of extremism. In the case of women specifically, it could be extrapolated that the very marginalisation they experience as a result of gender inequality, is played on by terrorists to bring them into sphere of extremism, increasingly as active participants. As will be discussed, terrorism can seem like a more alluring pursuit to women in those societies where their rights, gender and otherwise, are curtailed perhaps even suicide can seem appealing. But we must note that gender serves as little incentive in itself to commit violence, and neither sex seems moved to carry out terrorist attacks based on gender alone. What should be taken away from these observations is that outlets need be given to empower women in those societies where extremism is most likely to fill the empowerment vacuum. In essence, marginalisation based on gender is something of a force multiplier where fertile ground for extremism already exists. Women as Enablers of Terrorism In number, women are not equal to men, constituting more than half of the world population, and in their traditional roles as mothers, wives, sisters, and girlfriends females may impact every facet of terrorist activity. It is in this that they have been cited as motivation for other terrorists to engage in violence, as well as as reason to disengage, which will be elaborated later on. Women terrorists also appear to reach a wider audience where terrorist recruitment is concerned; the cults of personality female terrorists attract can serve to inspire would-be extremists and build support for a given cause. In their non-violent roles, also, women in specific communities actively recruit terrorists: In Syria, similar to the tactics of HT in Kyrgyzstan, sisterhood organisations proselytise extreme religious doctrine; while, in Pakistan, the mujahidaat are women who engage in collective non-violent endeavors geared towards recruiting and supporting violent extremist groups. In 2008, 1,000 women in Lebanon marched to show their support for Hezbollah; and, in Gaza, women gathered to form a human barrier between Israeli forces and militants hiding in a mosque in 2006.  [29]  These examples of women enabling terrorism and facilitating warfare can be ascribed to the types of discontent that motivate all terrorists, but, for women in societies where their rights are oppressed on the grounds of gender, something further can be inferred: gender equality in other aspects of life would remove a layer of discontent that contributes to terrorism. The cult of personality that the female terrorist seems to attract is also important in the recruitment and inspiration of other terrorists. Indeed, women seem more likely to receive such attention than men, thus further prolonging media interest something on which terrorist groups thrive. Leila Khaled, a Palestinian hijacker with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), drew much public attention for the very fact of her gender.  [30]  Aged just twenty-one years, Khaleds involvement in the 1969 hijacking of a passenger flight received wide coverage, in a way very appealing to terrorist recruiters: Her sexuality was always emphasisedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ She is the pin-up of armed struggle; like her hero, Che Guevara, Khaled had the glamour as well as the belief.  [31]  Her role morphed into one of a cultural icon, foreshadowing that of Wafa Idris, who also seemed to fascinate commentators: The Arab press glorified Idris. One Egyptian newspaper compared her to the Mona Lisa, registering her dreamy eyes and the mysterious smile on her lips. Others cited Joan of Arc, or the Virgin Mary.  [32]  Khaled and Idris attracted an entirely different type of media coverage than do their male counterparts. Very rarely if ever do male suicide bombers make headlines based on their physical attractiveness. But the media coverage paid dividends for their respective organisations. Following her death, Idris attracted copycats: more women suicide bombers materialised in the West Bank: One [female suicide bomber], a 21-year-old English-literature student named Darin Aisheh, detonated explosives in her car at a military checkpoint in February, wounding three policemen. Andaleeb Takafka, 20, killed herself and six others, and injured 104 people in April, using explosive tied to her waist. Ayat Akhras, 18, blew herself up outside a Jerusalem bus stop a month earlier.  [33]   In terms of traditional (or non-suicide) terrorism, female role models have also had a place in history. Ulrike Meinhof of the Red Army Faction, active in Germany in the 1970s, famously directed her groups campaign, which, unlike most other terrorist organisations, actually cited womens liberation as a strand of its goals. For many years the most famous female terrorist, Meinhof has been credited with inspiring German terrorism,  [34]  and has been the subject of numerous books and a handful of films. Indeed, in 1981 ten of the fourteen most-wanted terrorists in West Germany were female.  [35]  Bernadette Devlin, a vocal supporter of the Irish Republicanism, became the youngest female Member of the British Parliament (in a high-profile effort to champion Irish independence) and drew much attention, both for the fact of her age and her gender. Like Meinhof, she inspired much interest, even gaining the nickname Fidel Castro in a miniskirt. A biopic about her is in production.  [36]   As well as female suicide bombers spurring imitators, and other female terrorists becoming figureheads for their causes, the actions of women not actually active in terrorism, but rather in encouraging terrorists, can have devastating consequences. Among extremists, suicide bombers are lauded as heroes, in a way deeply disturbing to the moderate majority. As such, some families, mothers in particular, aspire to have their sons sacrificed as martyrs: Families of martyrs are honoured as family members of someone who gave his life to the cause. Many speak of their sons, husbands, or brothers commitment, dedication, and the pride felt by society.  [37]  Indeed, the glamorisation of martyrdom appears to be perpetuated by the families, spouses, and partners, which speaks to both womens role in radicalising moderates and their potential for de-radicalising the extreme. Just as military traditions can span generations within families, with son after father, after grandfather, enlisting i n the armed forces, traditions of extremism can also perpetuate. While men are naturally equally, and perhaps more, guilty of this sort of encouragement (in terms of offspring turning to terrorism) that women are being singled out in counterterrorism for their potential to de-radicalise their husbands, brothers, and sons speaks to the importance of their role in radicalisation. As does the example of Bernadette Devlin, whose experience can perhaps be cited as evidence of the role of families (mothers specifically) in actually enabling their children in the pursuit of extremism: her daughter, Rà ³isà ­n McAliskey, was arrested in Germany in connection with an IRA bombing of a British Army barracks there.  [38]  This speaks to the role of mothers in influencing offspring towards terrorism, and exemplifies what it is that newer counterterrorism programmes seek to prevent. (The roles of women in de-radicalisation and prevention will be examined in the next section of the paper.) Returning to the example of suicide martyrs, male bombers and their families often cite the promise of seventy-two virgin brides awaiting them in heaven upon completing their missions as part of their motivation.  [39]  An attack carried out by al-Qassam in 1994 demonstrates the encouragement families provide to some terrorists: The bombers family and the sponsoring organization celebrate his martyrdom with festivities, as if it were a weddingà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. Often, the mother will ululate in joy over the honor that Allah has bestowed upon her family.  [40]   Indeed, in different ways, potential terrorists are encouraged by extremist groups and by those in their social network to engage in terrorism, but the differences between the two genders in these respects merit examination. With women holding so much potential in terms of counterterrorism, the exact nature of their role in enabling terrorism should also be better understood. Women as Preventers of Terrorism While women are cited as motivation to enter into violent extremism, much evidence exists of their roles in facilitating disengagement from terrorism and in otherwise thwarting terrorist activity.  [41]  In removing their children from cultures of extremism or preventing their falling prey to extremism in the first place, by becoming intelligence officers, and even as spouses involved in the rehabilitation of extremists, women make very effective counterterrorists. Counterterrorism programmes worldwide are beginning to focus more on softer measures than the military- and police-centred approaches increasingly seen in the aftermath of 11 September 2001, favouring instead de-radicalisation through education and dialogue, as well as increases in aid and poverty-alleviation policies. In these newer de-radicalisation programmes, terrorists and other violent extremists are rehabilitated in various ways, often including education in the true peaceful meanings of religious texts, and ar e usually given a more solid grounding in social networks removed from their previous extremist affiliations. In this section, examples of extant terrorism-prevention and terrorist-rehabilitation programmes with women at their centres are examined. Given that the group dynamic afforded by terrorist organisations for individual members often replaces that persons family, strengthened family and relationship ties can help facilitate a persons disengagement from a particular cause, i.e., to provide them with a non-violent, appealing alternative to terrorism. Indeed, Bjà ¸rgo and others highlight the importance of avoiding a social vacuum, when a terrorist repents, and women can play a fundamental role in this.  [42]  In his study of what moves right-wing extremists to de-radicalise, he asserts that gaining and upholding family commitments, including getting a girlfriend (or boyfriend), are among the strongest motives for leaving a cause behind.  [43]  As such, programmes exist to facilitate not just finding employment, but entering into marriage, all as part of the rehabilitation of violent extremists.  [44]   A Moroccan initiative that focuses on women, recruiting them as messengers to present the moderate mainstream Islam as a counterweight to fundamentalist ideology, has met with some success. Spearheaded by the Moroccan King, the initiative seeks to feminize the face of Islam, in order to provide an enlightened alternative to the extremist, often misrepresented brand of Islam terrorist groups employ.  [45]   In Saudi Arabia, a counterterrorism scheme called the Saudi Counselling Programme, has been the most successful and expansive of its kind, and Christopher Boucek posits that this is due in part to its being rooted in respect for cultural and religious traditions.  [46]  It could be extrapolated from this that women, as central figures in every culture, could hold the key to developing societal answers to a given societys terrorism problem, or at least to grounding each initiative in the appropriate culture. A spate of new programmes centred on mothers preventing the radicalisation of their children supports thi

The Gothic Theme In Frankenstein Essays -- essays research papers

The term Gothic refers to a genre that came about in the late eighteenth century. It can be a type of story, clothing, or music nowadays. In this paper it will refer to a style of literature. A very good example of this type of literature is Mary Shelley's Frankenstein. There is a sense of foreboding throughout the whole novel, which is one of the basic necessities of the Gothic. This theme of the Gothic has different characteristics that all fit into the story of Victor Frankenstein and his monster and make this one of the first horror stories every told. The very first characteristic of a Gothic novel is its sinister setting. The opening sentence in Frankenstein sets the mood for the rest of the book. Shelley begins her novel with, "You will rejoice to hear that no disaster has accompanied the commencement of an enterprise which you have regarded with such evil forebodings" (p. 13). At this point in the novel, Walton is on a ship in the middle of the North Pacific Ocean, on his way to the North Pole. He is being blocked from all sides by ice, and can see nothing but ice for miles. The landscape is barren, and all of his crew is in fear of running out of food and fresh water. This setting is very sinister in lieu of the imminent death that is facing the crew members. When the scene switches to the life of Victor Frankenstein, the reader finds out that everything is wonderful throughout his childhood. Later, when he goes away to college in pursuit of knowledge about alchemy and other sciences, everything gets darker and darker. When construction of the creature begins, Victor describes his workshop as "a solitary chamber, or rather cell, at the top of the house, and separated from all the other apartments by a gallery and staircase. This is where [he] kept [his] workshop of filthy creation" (p. 53). He goes on to describe the "dissecting room" and "slaughter-house" that provided his material (p.53). This, too, adds to the sinister setting and evil undertones of the novel. The setting also serves the purpose of reflecting the feelings of the characters in the novel. Whenever Frankenstein is upset or someone is going to jail, it is raining. A Gothic novel would not be complete without a lot of rain. ... ...to Frankenstein ends up dying and even Walton is in danger of being killed if he stays out to sea too long. Death, darkness, rain, and horror are all needed to make a good Gothic novel. Not only did Mary Shelly include all these things, she added a few to make the story even more interesting. Her novel meets all the characteristics for a work of Gothic fiction. As Malamund mentions, "Shelley's monster [is] at home amid the Gothic, and [is] able to march forward--undaunted by the landscape of terror" (p.45). WORKS CONSULTED Crowell, Thomas Y., et al. The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe. Boston: Desmond Publishing Co., 1902. Shelly, Mary. Frankenstein or the Modern Prometheus. 1818. England: Penguin Putnam Inc., 1992. Malamud, A. "Frankenstein's Monster: The Gothic Voice in the Waste Land." English Language Notes 46 (1988): 41-45. Parkin-Gounelas, Ruth. "Learning What We Have Forgotten." English Language Notes 39 (1987): 215-219.

War of 1812 Essay -- essays research papers

Introduction With the ongoing battles between England and France in the early 19th century, the newly formed United States found itself thrust in the middle of this struggle. In the early part of the century Napoleon was on a mission to once again establish a mighty French empire of early years. But with the build up of the royal British Navy the English were trying fiercely to hold Napoleon in check. The United States was determined to stay neutral and continue its trading with both nations. However several mandates passed by both France and England made this very difficult. With England’s naval blockade and the repeated search and seizure of American trade vessels, the United States, led by an aggressive group of leaders in congress known as the Young War Hawks, took a very aggressive approach to Britain and its royal navy. However, the War Hawks and President Madison also had plans of expansion in mind, to extend its boarders to the North Pole, home to royal colonies of the now hated Great Britain. With this plan and the negative feeling toward Britain, the war was just around the corner. And in June of 1812, a full-fledged war was upon them. The war, which lasted approximately two years, was a very bloody and costly battle to both the United States and Britain. Systematic Analysis To begin to look at this war we must take a look at the system the world was in at the time. The world was dominated by a bi-polar system, with France and England being the two poles. However you also had another player in the system, Russia. Although not quite as powerful as either of the top two, but if thrown in the mix could tip the scales toward one side or the other. The United States at this time preferred to practice a policy of isolationism, and stay out of the turbulent affairs of Europe. The constant struggle between the French and the British dominated the world scene. The French who were led by Napoleon were trying to establish an empire and dominate all of Eur ope. This struggle had been raging since the turn of the century. The British as in any bi-polar system were dead set on preventing this from happening. With the United States only a minor player in the international system at the time there was nothing the United States could do in this affair except continue its policy of neutrality, and isolationism. With a bi-polar international system, you are always i... ...ithout the other. When looking at the system as a whole you provide ample proof that the bi-polar system is very unstable and susceptible to conflict at anytime, especially when the two powers are countries that have been at each other since their creation. Each country is trying to gain dominance over the other. Napoleon would not stop his process until he accomplished his goal or was defeated. The state level also ties into the system, as the states goal was dominance or defeat. The United States tried to invade modern day Canada to increase it national territory and fought many bloody, deadly battles in order to accomplish this goal. Which they eventually failed and did not gain any territory but did not lose any either, the British also attempted to capture key cities and failed as well. Individual level you see how countrymen will rally in support of their country and this is plain and simply human nature. That is why when you look at the three levels they all are interlocke d and must have one, in this war, to have the other. So in a war that was a defeat for France and a draw for the United States and Britain, each level was very prominent and a necessity in The War of 1812.

Effects of Income Inequality on Quality of Healthcare Essays -- The In

Positive rights are rights that everyone is entitled to including: the right to a public education, access to public roads, and the right to health care. There are no guarantees when it comes to life, but having health insurance makes a huge difference with preventing, diagnosing, and treating diseases. Of course having insurance itself is a great resource to ensure medical care and containing costs, but not all insurance programs are created equal. Insurance programs have caveats, exclusions, varying co-payments, and access to certain doctors and hospitals, which creates an ethical dilemma. Receiving the best care is subjective in most cases, but with money you can buy almost anything, including the best care. Although those living in poverty are given access to healthcare, that does not mean they receive the best or equal care as those who are wealthy. Living in a capitalist society, the richest Americans enjoy larger homes, nicer cars, better education and even health care. Even if we lived in a capitalist society where everyone had access to the same basic healthcare program, the rich would still be able to afford better care. The wealthy are able to pay more in co-payments, prescription costs, and the ability to go outside of the healthcare system in this country to seek help. When you have the disposable resources then the sky is the limit, where the poor have very limited options. They will be confined to their healthcare coverage program and do not have the luxury of seeking additional assistance. â€Å"Poor patients often receive less quality care in the hospital, have more barriers to recovery, and experience higher morbidity and mortality than do patients with higher incomes† (Dracup). The United States is ... ...ndards and practices are more uniform based on circumstance and not based on loopholes, exceptions or lack of insurance. Everyone should be given the same preventive care and be able to receive the same treatment options regardless of location, income, or age. Competition in the marketplace can be good, but there are many complexities with healthcare and many people can slip through the cracks and others can be shortchanged. Works Cited C. Wayne Sells and Robert Wm. Blum, "Morbidity and Mortality among US Adolescents: An Overview of Data and Trends," AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH Vol. 86, No. 4 (April, 1996), pgs. 513-519. R. Wilkinson and K. Pickett, The Spirit Level: Why Greater Equality Makes Societies Stronger, Bloomsbury Press, NY, 2009, in particular pages 49- 173. Income Inequalities , Health and the Garrison State by Christopher Schaefer

Alcohol drinking Essay

The last reason of alcohol drinking among the youth in Hong Kong is tension reduction and it is the most common excuse among them. From a survey result conducted in 2008 by The Hong Kong Federation of Youth Group, about 30% of students increase their pressure index during the beginning of each new academic year. It was found that the high consumption of alcohol is related to the high level of pressure index. And the frequency of drinking depends on how early the students have experienced drinking alcohol. Drinking daily or over consumption of alcohol will lead to a chain of bad impacts. If we drink in a large amount, it will have lifelong negative consequences, including physically and mentally. Drinking can affect thinking capacity and the active attention period will be reduced effecively. Also fatigue may happen easily although only drinking a small amount of alcohol. As a result, it may affect in studies. As we notice that there are many foreign researches about the motivation of drinking but there are only little researches investigate the Hong Kong tertiary students. That means the foreign researches cannot completely reflect the Hong Kong situation due to the different cultural norms of east and west. Also, the education of alcohol management and knowledge are not prevalence in Hong Kong. Therefore, we would like to know about the basal motives of alcohol drinking and the influences of drinking among the tertiary students. And the healthcare stream students in IVE will be our target group. As our target group are studying in healthcare stream, we hypothesize that they are more likely to consider their health and a lower drinking frequency and quantity of alcohol will be found. We also assume that their motivation of drinking are due to peer, environment and social.

Normative ethics Essay

Metaethics talks about the nature of ethics and moral reasoning. Discussions about whether ethics is relative and whether we always act from self-interest are examples of meta-ethical discussions. In fact, drawing the conceptual distinction between Metaethics, Normative Ethics, and Applied Ethics is itself a â€Å"metaethical analysis. † Normative ethics is interested in determining the content of our moral behavior. Normative ethical theories seek to provide action-guides; procedures for answering the Practical Question (â€Å"What ought I to do? â€Å"). The moral theories of Kant and Bentham are examples of normative theories that seek to provide guidelines for determining a specific course of moral action. Think of the Categorical Imperative in the case of the former and the Principle of Utility in the case of the latter. Applied Ethics attempts to deal with specific realms of human action and to craft criteria for discussing issues that might arise within those realms. The contemporary field of Applied Ethics arouse in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Today, it is a thriving part of the field of ethics. Numerous books and web-sites are devoted to topics such as Business Ethics, Computer Ethics, and Engineering Ethics. Ethical Relativism Distinctions within Relativism There is a distinction between â€Å"morals† and â€Å"mores†. The latter can be defined as â€Å"harmless customs† (e. g. , â€Å"tea at 4†); the former as â€Å"treatment of others† (e. g. , â€Å"the practice of Apartheid†). In discussing Relativism, we are concerned only with â€Å"moral practices. † The Problem of Relativism: What one society considers Right, another Society considers Wrong. Therefore, RIGHT AND WRONG are RELATIVE to a PARTICULAR SOCIETY. Here we need to be aware of two things: (1) Confusing â€Å"harmless conventions† (The British drive on the left side of the road) with â€Å"harmful practices† (Clitorectomy is customary among the Somali). (2) Even if â€Å"moralities† may differ from society to society, it need not follow that Morality Itself is relative — for there is a further distinction between CULTURAL (â€Å"descriptive†) RELATIVISM and NORMATIVE (â€Å"Ethical†) RELATIVISM. Cultural (â€Å"descriptive†) Relativism: The descriptive relativist simply notes certain sociological FACTS: (a) Factual Claims: â€Å"x is considered right in Society y at time t† and â€Å"x is considered wrong in Society z at time t. † (b) Empirical Conclusion: Moralities are relative [Note that the claims of Cultural Relativism are either true or false. ] Normative (ethical) Relativism The normative relativist goes BEYOND any sociological facts. (a) Normative Claim: â€Å"What is considered right in Society x at time t IS right for that Society. † (b) Theoretical (metaethical) Claim: Morality Itself is Relative. Note that ethical relativism does not logically follow from any truths uncovered by descriptive relativism. Note also that the ethical relativist has a hard time explaining how radical moral change can occur within a certain society (as with slavery or women’s suffrage in the United States). Ethical Egoism Psychological and Ethical Egoism. As a metaethical theory of motivation, psychological egoism asserts the descriptive claim that all of our actions can be reduced to self-interest: â€Å"Whenever people do something, it is only because they think something desirable for themselves will result from it. † The claim is descriptive and thus open to counterexamples, and it is broad, stating a reductionistic thesis regarding all of our actions. (Contrast psychological egoism with the psychological state of sympathy, where ‘the weal and woe of the other becomes the motive for our action’.) Ethical egoism is a normative theory that states that our actions ought to be done from the perspective of self-interest. One of the problems with this position is that it might not be in one’s self-interest to have eveyone act from the perspective of self-interest. This ‘state of nature’ would not be desirable (in Hobbes’ terms, life would be â€Å"beastly, brutal, and short†) and so it might ultimately be in one’s self-interest to enter into a contract with others that would place restraints upon self-interested actions. Utilitarian Theories Utilitarianism Utilitarianism is a normative ethical theory that places the locus of right and wrong solely on the outcomes (consequences) of choosing one action/policy over other actions/policies. As such, it moves beyond the scope of one’s own interests and takes into account the interests of others. Bentham’s Utility Principle: (1) Recognizes the fundamental role of pain and pleasure in human life, (2) approves or disapproves of an action on the basis of the amount of pain or pleasure brought about i.e, consequences, (3) equates good with pleasure and evil with pain, and (4) asserts that pleasure and pain are capable of quantification (and hence ‘measure’). In measuring pleasure and pain, Bentham introduces the following criteria: INTENSITY, DURATION, CERTAINTY (or UNCERTAINTY), and its NEARNESS (or FARNESS). He also includes its â€Å"fecundity† (will more of the same follow? ) and its â€Å"purity† (its pleasure won’t be followed by pain & vice versa). In considering actions that affect numbers of people, we must also account for its EXTENT. John Stuart Mill adjusted the more hedonistic tendencies in Bentham’s philosophy by emphasizing (1) It is not the quantity of pleasure, but the quality of happiness that is central to utilitarianism, (2) the calculus is unreasonable — qualities cannot be quantified (there is a distinction between ‘higher’ and ‘lower’ pleasures), and (3) utilitarianism refers to â€Å"the Greatest Happiness Principle† — it seeks to promote the capability of achieving happiness (higher pleasures) for the most amount of people (this is its â€Å"extent†). Act and Rule Utilitarianism. We can apply the principle of utility to either PARTICULAR ACTIONS or GENERAL RULES. The former is called â€Å"act-utilitarianism† and the latter is called â€Å"rule-utilitarianism. † Act-utilitarianism — The principle of utility is applied directly to each alternative act in a situation of choice. The right act is then defined as the one which brings about the best results (or the least amount of bad results). * Criticisms of this view point to the difficulty of attaining a full knowledge and certainly of the consequences of our actions. * It is possible to justify immoral acts using AU: Suppose you could end a regional war by torturing children whose fathers are enemy soliders, thus revealing the hide outs of the fathers. Rule-utilitarianism — The principle of utility is used to determine the validity of rules of conduct (moral principles). A rule like promise-keeping is established by looking at the consequences of a world in which people broke promises at will and a world in which promises were binding. Right and wrong are then defined as following or breaking those rules. * Some criticisms of this position point out that if the Rules take into account more and more exceptions, RU collapses into AU. * More genearl criticisms of this view argue that it is possible to generate â€Å"unjust rules† according to the principle of utility. For example, slavery in Greece might be right if it led to an overall achievement of cultivated happiness at the expense of some mistreated individuals. Deontological Theories Acting from Duty Deontological normative ethical theories place the locus of right and wrong in autonomous adherence to moral laws or duties. Monistic deontology — Kant’s Categorical Imperative (â€Å"Act only on that maxim whereby thou canst at the same time will that it should become a universal law†) provides the source of right action. Its first formulation states â€Å"Act as if the maxim of your action were to secure through your will a universal law of nature;† its second formulation states â€Å"Always act so as to treat humanity, whether in your own person or that of another, as an end in itself, never as a means only. â€Å" Actions that conform to these imperatives (i. e., right actions) and are, furthermore, done from a sense of duty, are the epitome of morally praiseworthy actions. Critics of Kant’s approach claim that his Categorical Imperative does not contain within it a way to resolve conflicts of duties. â€Å"Lying is wrong† can be interpreted as â€Å"Never lie† and thus Universal Principles can ‘harden’ into Absolute Principles. Pluralistic deontology — For the 20th Century philosopher W. D. Ross, there are a number of duties that reflection reveals — and these form a group of prima facie obligations. The phrase â€Å"prima facie† (‘all things being equal’) refers to the fact that these duties do not bind us absolutely, but rather that they generally hold — absent any further considerations. Two key duties are nonmaleficence (don’t harm others) and beneficence (help others). Other prima facie duties include ‘don’t lie,’ ‘don’t kill,’ keep promises,’ etc. When conflicts occur between duties, our actual duty becomes that which â€Å"intuitive judgment† discerns as the right thing to do (e. g. , lying to save the life of an innocent person). Critics are cautious about referring to ‘intuition’ as the criterion for determining our actual course of action. Stephen Toulmin suggested that we â€Å"weigh up, as well as we can, the risks involved in ignoring either, and choose ‘the lesser of two evils’. † Thus, while the principles may be deontic in nature, a resolution of conflicts of principles could appeal to probable consequences. Virtue Ethics Historical Perspective There is a long tradition in ethics that places great importance on the â€Å"kind of person one is. † We not only want those around us to â€Å"tell the truth† (for example, according to the Categorical Imperative), but also to be honest. Both Aristotle (arete) and Aquinas (virtu) emphasized this aspect of ethics by highlighting the role of what we would today call character in their discussions of ethics (and the classic virtues of courage, justice, and moderation). David Hume also gave virtue and personal merit a key role in his ethical theory. The recent revival of interest in virtue ethics can be traced back to Philippa Foot. She writes that a person’s â€Å"virtue may be judged by his innermost desires as well as by his intentions; and this fits with our idea that a virtue such as generosity lies as much in someone’s attitudes as in his actions† . The Moral Concept of Virtue We should distinguish the virtues found in a particular society or culture (e. g. , chastity) from those virtues that can be supported by moral reasoning (e. g. , honesty). â€Å"A virtue is a trait of character that is socially valued, and a moral virtue is a trait that is morally valued†¦Moral reasons must support a claim†¦of moral virtue† . By emphasizing the priority of character in discussions of ethics, virtue theorists can say: â€Å"†¦rather than using rules and government regulations to protect subjects in research, some claim that the most reliable protection is the presence of an ‘informed, conscientious, compassionate, responsible researcher’†. The underlying view here is that â€Å"character is more important than conformity to rules and that virtues should be inculcated and cultivated over time through educational interactions, role models,† etc. A practical consequence of this view is that the education of, for example medical doctors, should include the cultivation of virtues such as compassion, discernment, trustworthiness, integrity, conscientiousness as well as benevolence (desire to help) and nonmalevolence (desire to avoid harm). Critical Evaluation of â€Å"Virtue Ethics† Often times we encounter â€Å"morality between strangers† (as when one enters an Emergency Room after a car accident). At these times, it’s not the person’s character, but his/her need to follow rules and procedures that seem to come to the forefront (â€Å"Virtue is not enough†). Furthermore, persons of ‘good character’ can certainly formulate ‘bad policy’ or make a ‘poor choice’ — and we need to evaluate those policies and choices according to moral principles. Constructive Evaluation of â€Å"Virtue Ethics† Yet â€Å"†¦ethical theory is more complete if the virtues are included†¦motives deserve to be at center stage in a way that some leading traditional theories have inadequately appreciated† †¦ â€Å"To look at acts without also looking at the moral appropriateness and desirability of feelings, attitudes, forms of sympathy, and the like is to miss a large area of the moral picture† (B&C, 4th Ed., 69) Liberal Rights and Communitarian Theories Today we often find moral problems framed by perspectives derived from political philosophy. Issues like euthanasia, stem cell research and abortion as well as distributive justice concerns such as social security and medicare, are likely to be seen along the liberal/conservative divide. Traditional moral theories need to take these frameworks into consideration. Will Kymlicka’s Introduction to Political Philosophy provides analyses of the philosophical ideas behind the â€Å"ideological debates† that now envelop many topics in moral philosophy. Of particular value is his discussion of liberal equality, libertarianism, and communitarianism. Liberal equality is often associated with the work on John Rawls in his Theory of Justice. It argues that we should rationally affirm two fundamental principles of justice designed to protect our political liberties and social opportunities. It can be directly contrasted with the libertarian ideas found in Robert Nozick’s Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Nozick challenges Rawls’s approach to social inequalities and argues for a minimalist state. But both authors (and their followers) conceive of individuals as ‘Socratic’ in nature, capable of reasoning about their life plan and questioning, in principle, the world around them. In this sense, they are both ‘liberals’ in the tradition of John Stuart Mill’s essay, â€Å"On Liberty. † â€Å"For liberals, the question about the good life requires us to make a judgment about what sort of a person we wish to be†. Thus liberals will emphasize the role of choice and freedom from government interference in private matters. For communitarians, on the other hand, individuals are not atomistic, ‘unencumbered selves’ — individuals are situated within a community, embedded in the received wisdom of our human culture. Communal values are ‘authoritative horizons’ wherein we take our orientation toward life . The â€Å"self is not prior to, but rather constituted by, its ends — we cannot distinguish ‘me’ from ‘my ends’ [and] our selves are at least partly constituted by ends that we do not choose, but rather discover by virtue of our being embedded in some shared social context† . Since self-determination does not occur in a vacuum, the government needs to support a social environment that is conducive to the development of what is best in all of us. For those communitarians who are ‘social conservatives,’ this will often take the form of a promotion ‘family values’ that can, for example, discourage changes in the institution of marriage. Broadly speaking, these two positions account for the divide between ‘liberals’ and ‘social conservatives’ in dealing with matters such as abortion and euthanasia. In these situations, liberals tend to become ‘pro-choice’ and social conservatives tend to become ‘pro-life. ‘ ***** As is to be expected in a modern, pluralistic democracy, many of these issues are addressed in the political realm and through the political process (including the courts). But the kinds of ‘cases’ that arise within these areas should also be addressed within the framework of applied ethics as a way to get clearer about the nature of the problem and its potential for resolution. Indeed, we often see analyses found in applied ethics, such as the concept of a ‘person in the morally significant sense’ or the distinction between ‘killing’ and ‘allowing to die,’ embedded in the political debate itself. Ethics of Care In the 1970s and 80s feminist writers began to question the assumptions behind many of the traditional ethical theories. Carol Gilligan’s work in moral psychology challenged â€Å"justice-based† approaches to moral discussion: â€Å"†¦ men tend to embrace an ethic of rights using quasi-legal terminology and impartial principles †¦ women tend to affirm an ethic of care that centers on responsiveness in an interconnected network of needs, care, and prevention of harm. Taking care of others is the core notion. † Annette Baier’s philosophical account of an ethics of care â€Å"does not recommend that we discard categories of obligation, but that we make room for an ethic of love and trust, including an account of human bonding and friendship. † In both of these accounts, there is a specific criticism of â€Å"Traditional Liberal Theory† and its emphasis on impartiality and universality: The impartiality and the ‘standpoint of detached fairness’ advocated by liberal theories of justice, overlook, for example, the moral role of attachment to those close to us. Speaking from the perspective of medical ethics, â€Å"The care perspective is especially meaningful for roles such as parent, friend, physician, and nurse, in which contextual response, attentiveness to subtle clues, and the deepening of special relationships are likely to be more momentous morally than impartial treatment† In articulating the challenge to â€Å"universal principles,† Beauchamp and Childress write: â€Å"We can produce rough generalizations about how caring physicians and nurses respond to patients, for example, but these generalizations will not be subtle enough to give helpful guidance for the next patient. Each situation calls for a set of responses outside any generalization†¦. † Proponents of an Ethics of Care emphasize the roles of Mutual Interdependence and Emotional Response that play an important part in our moral lives: â€Å"†¦many human relationships involve persons who are vulnerable, dependent, ill, and frail †¦ [and] the desirable moral response is attached attentiveness to needs, not detached respect for rights† (B&C, 373) and â€Å"The person who acts from rule-governed obligations without appropriately aligned feelings such as worry when a friend suffers seems to have a moral deficiency. In addition†¦insight into the needs of others and considerate alertness to their circumstances often come from the emotions more than reason. † Thus the emotions seem to have a ‘cognitive role,’ allowing us to grasp a situation that may not be immediately available to one arguing solely from a ‘justice perspective. ’ Critical Evaluation of the Care Ethic The example of a nurse who personally wants to help a patient die, but who will not do so as it violates professional duty, shows that â€Å"†¦the ethics of care must confront situations in which bona fide requirements of impartiality conflict with acting partially from care. † Some feminists actually interpret the ‘care ethic’ as culturally determined by the male hierarchy. For example, a terminally ill grand mother may request to be allowed to die because she doesn’t want to be ‘a bother’ to her family. Here someone like Susan Sherwin â€Å"sees a need to examine the social context of care as well as to establish limits to the ethics of care. Both enterprises would involve appeals to justice†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Constructive Evaluation of the Care Ethic Sensitivity and emotional response to particular situations (like family discussions with physicians) provide important guides to morally acceptable actions. A care ethic also seems to favor adopting procedures from Conflict Resolution and Dispute Mediation as alternative ways to approach an apparent ethical conflict. Hedonism The term â€Å"hedonism,† from the Greek word (hedone) for pleasure, refers to several related theories about what is good for us, how we should behave, and what motivates us to behave in the way that we do. All hedonistic theories identify pleasure and pain as the only important elements of whatever phenomena they are designed to describe. If hedonistic theories identified pleasure and pain as merely two important elements, instead of the only important elements of what they are describing, then they would call it Hedonism uld not be nearly as unpopular as they all are. However, the claim that pleasure and pain are the only things of ultimate importance is what makes hedonism distinctive and philosophically interesting. Philosophical hedonists tend to focus on hedonistic theories of value, and especially of well-being (the good life for the one living it). As a theory of value, hedonism states that all and only pleasure is intrinsically valuable and all and only pain is intrinsically not valuable. Hedonists usually define pleasure and pain broadly, such that both physical and mental phenomena are included. Thus, a gentle massage and recalling a fond memory are both considered to cause pleasure and stubbing a toe and hearing about the death of a loved one are both considered to cause pain. With pleasure and pain so defined, hedonism as a theory about what is valuable for us is intuitively appealing. Indeed, its appeal is evidenced by the fact that nearly all historical and contemporary treatments of well-being allocate at least some space for discussion of hedonism. Unfortunately for hedonism, the discussions rarely endorse it and some even deplore its focus on pleasure. This article begins by clarifying the different types of hedonistic theories and the labels they are often given. Then, hedonism’s ancient origins and its subsequent development are reviewed. The majority of this article is concerned with describing the important theoretical divisions within Prudential Hedonism and discussing the major criticisms of these approaches. The Origins of Hedonism . a. Aristippus and the Cyrenaics The Cyrenaics, founded by Artistippus were also sceptics and Hedonistic Egoists. Although the paucity of original texts makes it difficult to confidently state all of the justifications for the Cyrenaics’ positions, their overall stance is clear enough. The Cyrenaics believed pleasure was the ultimate good and everyone should pursue all immediate pleasures for themselves. They considered bodily pleasures better than mental pleasures, presumably because they were more vivid or trustworthy. The Cyrenaics also recommended pursuing immediate pleasures and avoiding immediate pains with scant or no regard for future consequences. Their reasoning for this is even less clear, but is most plausibly linked to their sceptical views – perhaps that what we can be most sure of in this uncertain existence is our current bodily pleasures. b. Epicurus Epicurus founder of Epicureanism, developed a Normative Hedonism in stark contrast to that of Aristippus. The Epicureanism of Epicurus is also quite the opposite to the common usage of Epicureanism; while we might like to go on a luxurious â€Å"Epicurean† holiday packed with fine dining and moderately excessive wining, Epicurus would warn us that we are only setting ourselves up for future pain. For Epicurus, happiness was the complete absence of bodily and especially mental pains, including fear of the Gods and desires for anything other than the bare necessities of life. Even with only the limited excesses of ancient Greece on offer, Epicurus advised his followers to avoid towns, and especially marketplaces, in order to limit the resulting desires for unnecessary things. Once we experience unnecessary pleasures, such as those from sex and rich food, we will then suffer from painful and hard to satisfy desires for more and better of the same. No matter how wealthy we might be, Epicurus would argue, our desires will eventually outstrip our means and interfere with our ability to live tranquil, happy lives. Epicureanism is generally egoistic, in that it encourages everyone to pursue happiness for themselves. However, Epicureans would be unlikely to commit any of the selfish acts we might expect from other egoists because Epicureans train themselves to desire only the very basics, which gives them very little reason to do anything to interfere with the affairs of others. c. The Oyster Example With the exception of a brief period discussed below, Hedonism has been generally unpopular ever since its ancient beginnings. Although criticisms of the ancient forms of hedonism were many and varied, one in particular was heavily cited. In Philebus, Plato’s Socrates and one of his many foils, Protarchus in this instance, are discussing the role of pleasure in the good life. Socrates asks Protarchus to imagine a life without much pleasure but full of the higher cognitive processes, such as knowledge, forethought and consciousness and to compare it with a life that is the opposite. Socrates describes this opposite life as having perfect pleasure but the mental life of an oyster, pointing out that the subject of such a life would not be able to appreciate any of the pleasure within it. The harrowing thought of living the pleasurable but unthinking life of an oyster causes Protarchus to abandon his hedonistic argument. The oyster example is now easily avoided by clarifying that pleasure is best understood as being a conscious experience, so any sensation that we are not consciously aware of cannot be pleasure.